The Strategic Review for Southern Africa
The Strategic Review for Southern Africa is an internationally accredited and peer-reviewed periodical of the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria. The Strategic Review is listed as an accredited journal in South Africa and on the IBSS (international) list of accredited journals. All submissions are peer-reviewed by at least two members of the Editorial Committee and/or external reviewers. Articles published in the Strategic Review qualify for a subsidy from the South African Department of Higher Education and Training. The journal has traditionally been published biannually in print, with issues during May/June and November/December of each year. This publication schedule will be maintained, but to enhance access the journal will henceforth also allow open access, through its posting on the website of the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria. We invite manuscripts on subjects related to the wider scope of the journal.
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Media coverage of sidelined voices (youth, women, and persons with disabilities): Magnifying the political environment during Namibia’s 2024 elections
The 2024 Namibian election cycle was marked by a series of intriguing dynamics that influenced the country's political landscape. Central to the 2024 electoral period is the political parties’ manifestos, often regarded as the most important document in an election year. As the election date approached, the combination of delayed manifestos, unresolved party disputes, and a fragmented political landscape raised significant questions about the future of Namibia's democracy. Challenges experienced by the Electoral Commission of Namibia (ECN) on the 27 November 2024 resulted in President Nangolo Mbumba extending the election period. The ruling delivered on 28 February 2025 is expected to shape future electoral processes in Namibia. Following a closely contested election which saw the ruling party lose its majority by a large margin, and with analysts predicting loss of power for the party in the next election, what will the party do differently to ensure electoral victory in 2029? Will it be ‘business as usual’, or will there be an improvement in the material conditions of the ordinary person? This paper examines Namibia’s 2024 elections coverage of young people, women, and people with disabilities, by looking at how different media houses covered issues related to the three categories. These three categories, which are often under-represented, and their issues underreported in the media, arguably helped shape the 2024 election results. Further, the paper interrogates different perspectives by looking at the political environment that underpinned political activities during Namibia’s 2024 elections.
Analyses, Policy Notes, Interventions and Reports
The cost ineffectiveness of armed conflicts in Africa, 2000-2025
From around 2013, the number of armed conflicts in Africa increased to such an extent that over three quarters of the continent’s population were less secure in 2023 than they were a decade earlier. After reviewing the types of armed conflict, this article explains the main costs which they incur and then assesses the effectiveness of major armed conflicts on the continent between 2000 and mid-2025. Expressed in cost effectiveness terms, the resort to armed conflict to deal with differences and disputes during this time was very high in cost and very low in effectiveness. An attempt is then made to answer the following two questions: Why do countries persist with military approaches to meet security objectives? Are there more cost-effective alternatives available? The evidence is clear that the range of activities falling under the umbrella of peacebuilding are far more cost effective than armed conflict. A support structure would be required to organise and oversee their use and might involve the establishment of government ministries of peacebuilding.
Beyond Neoliberal Paradigms: Integrating Ubuntu and Sam Moyo’s Political Thought in Zimbabwe’s Land Reform Policy
Land reform in Zimbabwe remains a deeply contested and symbolic issue entwined with historical injustices, cultural identity and socio-political power. Conventional neoliberal paradigms that frame land primarily as an economic commodity have failed to address the multifaceted realities of land dispossession and agrarian transformation. This study proposes a humanistic land nexus framework grounded in the political thought of Sam Moyo and African epistemologies such as Ubuntu, which reconceptualise land as intrinsically linked to human dignity, justice and communal identity. Drawing on a qualitative thematic analysis of diverse stakeholder perspectives, the study reveals critical tensions between policy intentions and lived experiences, highlighting issues of elite capture, marginalisation, disconnection from spiritual land values and inadequate state support. The findings affirm the necessity of integrating culturally grounded and participatory governance mechanisms, reparative justice and sustainable livelihoods into land reform policy. This framework challenges dominant neoliberal approaches and offers a normative roadmap for reimagining land reform in Zimbabwe and postcolonial Africa, emphasising the restoration of both land and humanity.
Beyond liberation hegemony: Electoral realignments and the prospects for democratic consolidation in Southern Africa
This paper interrogates the electoral decline of former liberation movements in Southern Africa and the implications for democratic consolidation. Focusing on South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC), Namibia’s South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), the Zimbabwe African People’s Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF) and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), it employs a comparative qualitative design to analyse electoral data, party manifestos, parliamentary debates and media reports. Findings reveal three key issues. First, liberation legitimacy as a political resource is steadily eroding, undermined by corruption, socio-economic crises and generational shifts that weaken historical loyalties. Second, trajectories diverge: South Africa and Namibia point to potential democratic renewal through pluralism and coalition governance, while Zimbabwe and Mozambique illustrate how liberation decline can entrench authoritarian resilience through coercion and institutional capture. Third, the implications for democratic consolidation are contingent, rather than uniform. Institutional strength and the coherence of the opposition shape whether electoral realignments generate pluralism or reinforce authoritarianism. The analysis demonstrates that the decline of liberation hegemony is neither linear nor uniformly democratising. Instead, it opens contested political pathways that reveal the conditions under which the decline of the dominant party strengthens or undermines democratic consolidation in post-liberation states.
Prayers, Politics, and Peace: the Role of Religious Institutions in Conflict Onset and Prevention in Mozambique and Tanzania
This study examines the divergent trajectories of Islamist militancy in Mozambique and Tanzania by analysing the role of formal and informal religious institutions in conflict onset and prevention. While Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province has been engulfed in a protracted insurgency since 2017, neighbouring Tanzania has largely avoided sustained terrorist violence despite similar risk factors. The study traces the historical evolution of Islamic governance along the Swahili coast, the marginalisation of Muslim communities under colonial rule and the post-independence establishment of national Islamic councils. It argues that institutional decay and fragmentation in Mozambique created a vacuum exploited by extremist actors, while internal reform and strategic engagement by Tanzania’s Islamic council (BAKWATA) helped foster religious cohesion and mitigate violence. By highlighting the importance of institutional credibility, inclusivity and alignment between formal and informal religious actors, the study offers critical insights into how religious governance structures can contribute to or help prevent the escalation of violent extremism in fragile contexts.
A mission of transformation: The ANC’s historical project turned one-party demise
Following the first democratic elections in 1994 South Africa experienced one-party dominance with the African National Congress winning six consecutive national elections. This was until the 2024 elections. This article engages with two questions: What explains the ANC’s initial dominance? And, what accounts for its recent decline? According to Ken Greene’s (2007) resource theory, party dominance persists when there is a large public sector and an acquiescent public bureaucracy but declines with privatisation and the professionalisation of the public sector. Using this theory, it is argued that under the justification of ‘transformation’ the ANC deployed cadres and adopted policies to extend its access to state-owned resources. However, this consequently led to poor public administration, and a decline in public trust, with subsequent pressures to professionalise the bureaucracy and privatise state entities. In its attempts to entrench its dominance, the ANC lost sight of public interest and initiated its own demise.
South Africa’s Foreign Policy since the End of Apartheid: Continuities and Discontinuities
In the three decades since the end of apartheid, South Africa's foreign policy has aimed to maintain friendly relationships with countries in the Global North, while also fostering economic ties with nations in the Global South. Additionally, it has sought to normalize and strengthen relations with African countries, particularly those in Southern Africa. There is a growing consensus among scholars that since the presidencies of Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, South Africa's foreign policy has entered a crisis phase, characterized by a greater emphasis on aligning foreign policy with the country's economic needs and a decline in proactive initiatives within Africa. Drawing on archival sources, official South African government documents, and extensive secondary literature this essay explores the evolution of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-apartheid era and highlights the continuities and changes under various presidencies over the past thirty years. Contrary to much recent literature, this analysis suggests that the foundations of South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy were established by Mandela and Mbeki. Subsequent leaders, Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa, have continued to follow a path that was already laid out. While South Africa is currently an influential voice in the Global South, its foreign policy reveals significant contradictions. First, Pretoria has not yet ensured that its foreign policy contributes to a more inclusive model of economic development, both domestically and globally. Second, it remains unclear how South Africa intends to promote security in Africa without a strong commitment to strengthening democratic institutions.
In this section, the Ocean Regions Team in the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Pretoria offers short reviews of four books covering aspects related to ocean politics.
The Maritime Question on the Kenya–Somali Border
Globally, there are increasing concerns regarding maritime conflicts arising from competition over resources and territorial claims. These conflicts continue to derail efforts for regional integration and the implementation of maritime security strategies aimed at addressing escalating maritime security threats, including human trafficking, arms smuggling, terrorism, organised crime and piracy. Using a case study of the Kenya–Somalia border contestation over the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), this article discusses the genesis of the Kenya–Somalia maritime question. It views the maritime issue as a product of colonial construct. The qualitative study considers the Kenya–Somalia border dispute from two perspectives; firstly, the dispute is a maritime security risk that threatens to worsen the already precarious and vulnerable security situation in the region. Secondly, the dispute is caused by both countries’ efforts to protect their territorial integrity and preserve economic resources, including hydrocarbons found in the disputed area. The findings acknowledged that the decision by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to integrate the equidistance principle into the delimitation of the contested boundary was effective, given that it embraced the principle of equal access and that no reliable evidence exists to ascertain earlier agreements of demarcation, since existing maritime agreements provided by Kenya were not binding. The article concludes by acknowledging the need for both parties to comply with the ICJ ruling and other international frameworks guiding maritime issues, and the need for both Kenya and Somalia to embrace good neighbourly policies. This article recommends that neither country engages in retaliatory actions, but should instead engage in joint security operations and joint public diplomacy on the necessity of maritime security, sign binding maritime security cooperation agreements, and strengthen their economic and diplomatic interactions, including trade and cultural exchanges.
Navigating Stormy Waters: Kenya’s Maritime Threats and the Balancing Act of External and Domestic Responses
This article investigates contemporary threats in Kenya’s maritime spaces, the institutional response to these maritime threats, and an assessment of Kenya’s maritime security strategy. Persistent external domination of the Western Indian Ocean region, maritime terrorism, piracy, illegal unregulated and unreported (IUU) fishing, illicit trade and maritime territorial disputes continue to pose threats to Kenya’s maritime spaces. Although there is a legal framework in response to the threats, different agencies have no clear strategies on maritime affairs. The situation is compounded by a coordination problem between concerned agencies and tensions between the national government and the coastal counties over the legitimacy of intragovernmental maritime assignments. The study recommends that policymakers should reflect critically on maritime domain awareness with the aim of reducing seablindness, thereby enhancing Kenya’s sea power and ability to effectively exploit maritime wealth in the quest for a national maritime security strategy.
Seychelles and Mauritius as Pioneers: The Case for a Refined Conceptualisation of Small State Foreign Policy
In traditional small state literature, small states are often relegated to the periphery. They are characterised as ‘rule-takers’ rather than ‘rulemakers’, lacking the resources to be proactive on the global stage and perpetually defined by a power deficit. Consequently, small state foreign policy behaviour is presumed to be driven by an enduring sense of dependence, with such states consistently aligning their policies with those of major players. This article challenges such assertions, arguing they reflect an outdated understanding of small state behaviour and power. By examining the cases of Seychelles and Mauritius, two Small Island Developing States in the South-West Indian Ocean, this article demonstrates that they defy these traditional notions. Through a thematic analysis of official government speeches from 2017 to 2024 and drawing on Holsti’s conception of role theory, the article argues that these two islands are actively enacting the role of ‘pioneers’, directly contrasting with dependency-based foreign policy frameworks. Beyond expanding on the foreign policy of small states to include an ‘interdependent foreign policy’ (IFP) orientation, this article also shows that the role of ‘pioneer’ carries its own form of power, offering an alternative perspective on how small, oceanic states can assert influence in international relations.
The Protection, Preservation and Repatriation of Marine and Underwater Cultural Heritage: Lessons and Opportunities for Africa
Marine and Underwater Cultural Heritage (MUCH) is potentially an integral part of the cultural heritage of humanity. Protecting MUCH is, therefore, crucial for preserving and enriching one’s understanding of history and safeguarding knowledge for future generations. However, despite the existence of international legal frameworks, namely the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and UNESCO’s Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH), there remain several challenges surrounding the preservation and ownership of marine and underwater cultural heritage sites and artefacts. This article argues that issues related to the ownership and management of MUCH remain highly contested, particularly in the context of the evolving dynamics between European and African countries. It frames MUCH as a ‘frontier’ which manifests in three dimensions: a spatial frontier reflecting emerging disputes over marine resource management; a knowledge frontier highlighting the role of maritime archaeology and an ocean governance frontier influencing international legislation and economic activities. By critically evaluating the international legal regimes’ responses to MUCH, this article underscores the importance of African involvement in safeguarding its own underwater cultural heritage.
protection, preservation and repatriation
The Rights, Interests, and Strategic Approaches of Landlocked States in the Maritime Domain: The Case of Ethiopia
Literature pertaining to maritime security often focuses on the interests and concerns of coastal states, while those of landlocked states are either overlooked or treated as secondary. When scholars do consider the interests of landlocked states, the studies tend to explore their role primarily in the context of trade and conflict or disputes over sea access, while limited attention is paid to their broader maritime interests or the strategies employed to safeguard these interests. This article seeks to address this gap by providing a more comprehensive analysis of the rights and interests of landlocked states in maritime contexts and looks to Africa to draw examples. It begins with an exploration of the rights afforded to landlocked states under international law, particularly via the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The article then examines the various maritime interests of these states and posits several strategies that landlocked states employ to assert their rights and protect their interests. Finally, it utilises Ethiopia as an illustrative case to demonstrate how these strategies are put into practice.
Challenging Eurocentrism: An Afrocentric Appraisal of the Cape Sea Route
The Cape Sea Route is often presented in policy, academic and media discourses as an alternative to the preferred, but always troubled, Red/ Mediterranean Sea Route. Deeply rooted in the history of Europe-Asia/Africa relations, this Eurocentric perspective prioritises foreign interests above those of Africa along the route. It underestimated the strategic importance of the Cape as a primary route for the immediate locations (South Africa, Southern Africa and the continent) and their relations with some other parts of the world, thereby undermining Africa’s initiatives to maximise opportunities and address challenges along this and other complementary trade corridors. From an Afrocentric perspective, and with priority given to the immediate locations, this article examines the strategic importance, opportunities and challenges along the Cape Sea Route. It assesses the viability of this trade route for different parts of Africa and other continents and categorises them into primary and secondary users. The article argues that the prospect of intra-African trade is key to a reliable, consistent and sustainable Cape Sea Route strategy. Beyond trade, it is a promising African corridor for maritime investment and services, including ship-building, repairing, operations, insurance and related employment. To fully exploit such opportunities, however, the political, economic and security challenges along this and other African trade corridors must be addressed with improved institutional capacity for good governance, political stability, onshore and offshore law enforcement, socioeconomic transformation, human development, regional cooperation and global partnership.
The Latent Maritime Potential of BRICS+: A Time for Realignment
BRICS+[1] comprises Brazil, China, India, Russia, South Africa, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, Ethiopia and Egypt. This grouping encompasses vast land and maritime areas rich in human and natural capital across Eurasia, East and South Asia, the Persian Gulf, Africa and the East coast of South America. Despite their geographical dispersion, BRICS+ members are interconnected by maritime routes traversing the South Atlantic, Indo-Pacific, Red Sea, the Southern Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. The link between maritime trade and the global economy, coupled with BRICS+'s declared focus on cooperation, development and trade, underscores the significance of also researching their maritime agendas. However, BRICS+ as a maritime entity remains underexplored, presenting a paradox of a proclaimed economic, trade and development agenda without attending to ocean agendas, maritime economics and maritime security settings. This gap was highlighted during the 2018 BRICS meeting in South Africa, but has since been largely overlooked. This disconnect presents a research opportunity to explore the maritime dimension, potential opportunities and future pathways for BRICS+, either as a block or dispersed maritime player. [1] In this chapter, BRIC refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, and BRICS refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa. BRICS+ refers to Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and then the new members Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, with Saudi Arabia (membership pending) and the United Arab Emirates that joined in 2024. Argentina declined the invitation to join, but Indonesia joined in 2025.
Revisiting French Influence in Francophone Africa: A Case of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger
Citizens of Francophone African countries, such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, publicly demonstrated support through civil protests to the military juntas that took over power in these countries. The protesters pressured the juntas to expel French military personnel from the countries. The expulsion of French military and diplomats from these countries is a demonstration of the decline of France’s influence in Francophone Africa. The decline is triggered by a rise in anti-French sentiment across Francophone Africa. Francophone African countries remain the most underdeveloped countries in Africa. The level of underdevelopment has stimulated mal governance which has rendered the struggle for power across Francophone Africa to become intense, to the point that it overshadows the pursuit of democratic stability because of frequent military coups. This chapter, therefore, seeks to answer the following questions; What is the root cause of the decline of French influence in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger? Why did the public demonstration of anti-French sentiment only take place during the military coups? Were the civilian protests in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger an expression of pro-coups? Answers to these questions are obtained through an extensive literature review of secondary data that comprise of journal articles, government publications, websites, books and other relevant sources. The study found that because citizens of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger protested against French military presence in these countries does not mean that they are pro-coups. Anti-French sentiments existed in these countries prior to the recent military coups. The protest, therefore, took place during the military coups because both the juntas and the people had one common aspiration, which is the withdrawal of French military personnel from these countries.
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BRICS Expansion and Implications for Africa
The expansion of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) has become a focal point in global discussions, particularly regarding its implications for Africa. This article critically examines the multifaceted dimensions of the BRICS expansion and its implications for Africa across economic, political, and strategic realms. Drawing upon a comprehensive review of scholarly literature and expert opinions, the economic implications of the BRICS expansion, including opportunities for growth, investment, and development, as well as challenges related to trade imbalances and debt sustainability, are analysed. The article explores how the BRICS engagement influences regional power dynamics, international alignments, and global governance structures. The role of BRICS in advocating multipolarity and institutional, global governance reform is highlighted, while tensions and complexities within the bloc are considered. By synthesising diverse perspectives, the article offers insights into navigating the complexities of BRICS-Africa relations and provides recommendations for policymakers and stakeholders to maximise the benefits of this evolving partnership while mitigating risks and vulnerabilities.
‘The Dead Will Arise’: A Review of These Potatoes Look Like Humans: The Contested Future of Land, Home and Death in South Africa
The book under review These Potatoes Look Like Humans: The Contested Future of Land, Home and Death in South Africa, by uMbuso weNkosi is grappling with the above-mentioned question in an indirect way. This is because while the author provides a graphic and honest description of the relationship between violence and agriculture in the context of white settler colonialism, he stops short of recommending a Fanonian solution to this problem of white settler colonialism in ‘South Africa’. Despite this ‘intellectual timidity’ of the ‘big’ author of this book under review, it is a well-written book. Readers who are interested in the debate about the land question in ‘South Africa’ will benefit from this book’s critique of the reduction of the land question to economics. The author competently extends the land question beyond the realm of political economy and embeds it within the domain of spirituality and belonging in terms of African culture and worldview/’world sense’.
China’s Enduring and Expanding Influence: The Quest for Centrality in Sub-Saharan Africa Political Economy
Beijing’s influence in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is enduring and expanding, even amid the present decrease in China’s loans to the region. Three interconnected elements contribute to Beijing’s escalating significance: 1) A strategic emphasis on centrality through connectivity integrates African nations into the Beijing sphere, solidifying its pivotal role in the regional production network, extending economic and geopolitical reach, and securing vital resources while building political support; 2) Establishing institutional arrangements that are largely accepted by many African governments enhances Beijing’s appeal as an attractive partner; 3) Power asymmetry positions China as a pervasive actor in the African political economy, wielding tools like debt, financial, and trade dependencies, once exclusive to Western powers (Lendzoumbou 2024). These mechanisms synergistically sustain China’s influence in SSA amid the current cascade of crises.
Theories of War and the African context: Whither strategic theory?
This article explores the state of strategic theory in relation to the African context. It argues that the dichotomy between war in the Global South and the Global North, combined with the shift towards critical security studies, has hobbled the development of robust strategic thinking relevant to war on the African continent. It combines a literature review of theories of war, that have sought to either explain the occurrence of war or how to fight and end it, with a scoping review of African strategic thinking to highlight this gap. It concludes with a call for greater African strategic thinking and propositions for what African strategy should entail.
State Fragility and the Drivers of Insurgency in Nigeria
What drives insurgency in fragile states? Is insurgency sustenance a function of ideology, economy, or something else? These and other questions have confronted scholars and government officials since the advent of insurgency activities in Nigeria’s Northeast region. These questions are germane as actions and inaction taken to eradicate insurgency and its disruptive actions have met with little success. Using primary and survey data, this article probes and contextualizes the factors that spawned insurgency activities in the region including its adaptive features. The purpose of the article is further to assess policy options that could help contain and eradicate insurgent activities in Nigeria.
African Migrations Research: an Annotated Bibliography
Navigating national interests: Exploring the dynamics of Pakistan-South Africa bilateral relations
South Africa occupies a strategic geographic position at the southern tip of the African continent, serving as a potential trade and investment gateway for countries in the Americas, Europe, and Asia. It is a key partner for Pakistan’s Look Africa Policy. Pakistan and South Africa, bound by shared values and a focus on common interests since establishing diplomatic ties in 1994, have cultivated a long-standing partnership. However, a significant gap remains in the academic exploration of this relationship. This study delves into the politico-diplomatic, economic, and defence aspects of Pakistan-South Africa relations, employing the concept of national interest as outlined by Morgenthau and Neuchterlein. Employing a qualitative analysis, this study argues that high-level visits, the establishment of institutional mechanisms, and the formalisation of cooperation through Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) have significantly shaped the direction, facilitation, and governance of Pakistan-South Africa relations. This research highlights three key findings: despite frequent leadership-level exchanges and interactions between parliamentarians and policymakers, the relationship lacks the necessary vigour; while trade between Pakistan and South Africa has grown steadily, Pakistan experiences a trade deficit with its partner; and defence collaboration remains a significant aspect of their relationship. This article posits that the existing Pakistan-South Africa bilateral relationship holds the potential to blossom into a more formalised and enduring strategic partnership, contingent upon the implementation of well-defined and practical initiatives.
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Building the „Russieafrique“: Russian influence operations changing the geopolitics in the Sahel
This article examines the tools which the Russian Federation, as a master of influencing operations and unconventional political warfare, currently utilises in West Africa to strengthen its political, economic, military, and diplomatic ties with Sahelian countries, thereby altering the geopolitical balance and pushing out the so-called West from its historical sphere of influence. The research focuses on the case of the Republic of Mali, where a few years of efficient implementation of these tools led to the withdrawal of the Western Bloc, and the re-emergence of the Russian Federation. The article not only explains what happened in Mali and the Sahel that caused the re-emergence of Russia and the ousting of the Western Bloc, but also focuses on the question of how exactly this happened, what means and instruments were utilised by Russia to make these events happen, and discusses possible implications of these events for the Western states. The research findings can be used to detect the indicators of the use of Russian instruments of influence to achieve its political goals in other parts of the Sahel and Africa, as well as in other environments like Ukraine or Europe.
Zimbabweans and the South African Economy
“They do not want us in their country, yet we contribute significantly,” shared a Zimbabwean woman in the Cape Town region of South Africa. The economic turmoil in Zimbabwe has led to decades of immigration to South Africa with no clear resolution to migration in sight. Despite legal challenges and xenophobic backlash, Zimbabweans believe their impact on South Africa has been substantial. The authors engaged 56 Zimbabweans with a 30-question questionnaire covering basic demographic information, employment-related inquiries, financial and income-related matters. These were distributed among respondents from various socio-economic sectors. The research findings provide insights into Zimbabwean spending patterns and overall perspectives on living and working in South Africa. With this research and the study of recent court rulings in South Africa, the authors argue that despite the xenophobic atmosphere, Zimbabwean immigrants are contributing to the South African economy and the social fabric. Moreover, as the situation in Zimbabwe continues to deteriorate, South Africa looks to be their long-term place of residence. How South African handles Zimbabwean immigrants in the future offers an opportunity to reset current immigration policies and support economic growth in the region.
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